本論文已被瀏覽 104 次, [ 造訪詳細資料與全文 ] 4 次,[ 回到前頁查詢結果 ] [ 重新搜尋 ]

後冷戰時代中國的柔性權力分析和北京申奧個案研究

The Analysis of China's Soft Power in the Post Cold War Era and The Case Study of Beijing's Biding for Olympic Game

作者:侯尊堯
畢業學校:國立中山大學
出版單位:國立中山大學
核准日期:2008-02-13
類型:Electronic Thesis or Dissertation
權限:Copyright information available at source archive--National Sun Yat-sen University....

中文摘要

本論文旨在探討冷戰之後中國柔性權力的演變以及解釋中國申辦奧運成敗的原因。近年來,中國因經濟發展而快速崛起,為了避免其他國家對其崛起產生恐懼,引起不必要的抵制,所以中國不斷強調自己的發展策略是一種和平導向,以謀求一個更利於己的國際環境。因此我們對中國的了解不應僅限於軍事與經濟,對於中國運用柔性權力的知識與其複雜的外交關係之間的關聯更應加速研究。
根據奈伊的主張,一個國家的柔性權力資源主要包括文化、政治價值觀、外交政策。藉著這些資源設定議題與創造吸引力,以達到同化的目的。此外奈伊也認為資訊革命導致國際傳播資訊充斥,世人的注意力成為寶貴資源;加上大眾對政府的宣傳更有戒心,因此國家和非國家行動者合作成為一個可行的選項,不僅有助於吸引民眾注意力及加大可信度,更能為國家創造一個有利的形象,以施行其柔性權力。
不過筆者發現儘管東西方學者雖對吸引力可達成外交目標有共識,但對該種權力的內涵則有不同的看法,致使測量與評估各國柔性權力成為一種困難。為解決測量柔性權力的問題,筆者先建構一個轉換能力概念,其中制度與傳播科技為轉換能力的重要指標,此分析架構對國家和非國家行動者都適用。透過案例的補充,筆者試圖證明中國的柔性權力之所以提升主要歸因於制度的改革和傳播能力的增強。
至於解釋中國為何申辦奧運及申奧成敗的原因,筆者則主張應該從國際奧委會的柔性權力形成的機制加以了解,而不應只比較北京兩次申辦條件的差異,因為每屆奧運主辦城市的遴選都是一個全新的賽局,但是國際奧委會柔性權力形成機制卻不會改變。筆者強調國家與非國家行動者在施展柔性權力時,物質性條件必不可少,它是支撐制度與媒體的基礎。而中國在1993年正面臨政治繼承人選不確定與經濟過熱兩項挑戰,其中任何一項因素均可能隨時損害國際奧會賴以生存的奧運經濟。上述兩項挑戰實為北京當年申辦失敗的主因,卻被過去的研究者因為過於強調中國人權議題所忽略。

英文摘要

My dissertation mainly focuses on the changing of China s soft power and tries to explain the reasons why Beijing loses its biding for Olympic Games in 1993. China s economic reforms have transformed its international status. Today China is already a country of rising power. In order to keep maintaining a peaceful international environment China has learnt to use soft issues to serve its national interests. Because changing China s image and undermining the scenario of a China threat were vital to Beijing and crucial to the future of its foreign policy, the analysis concerning China s rise should not focus entirely on the economic and military power. It is better for us to aim at filling that gap in knowledge about China s soft power and its increasingly sophisticated diplomacy.
According to Joseph Nye, soft power is attracting force derived mainly from intangible resources such as national culture, political values, and its foreign policies. It is the ability to get what you want through attraction rather than coercion or payments. Nye states that technological advances have led to a dramatic reduction in the cost of processing and transmitting information. The result is an explosion of information which leads to scarcity of attention. Therefore, attention becomes the scarce resource. Nye also finds that publics have become more wary and sensitized about propaganda. Governments are often mistrusted. Therefore, Nye suggests that governments to work with non-state actors, such as NGOs in international affairs.
However, there are a lot of arguments about how to measure the soft power of a country or a private actor. Since converting resources into realized power in the sense of obtaining desired outcomes requires well-designed strategies and skillful leadership, I state that soft power results from the structural forces and media technology in the system. Through development of the analysis structure of soft power, including media technology, institution, and material resources, I examine several cases to prove that China is gradually enhancing its international position by means of changing its institutions and reinforcing its international communication abilities.
Today, special events are more than just well-known athletic competitions and cultural performances. International Olympic Committee is an important non-state actor with charm and soft power in the international society. I use three chapters to deal with the topic that Beijing bided for 2000 and 2008 Olympic Game. My argument is that the issues of Deng Xiaoping s successor and overheated economic problem leaded to China s lost in biding for the Olympic Game in 1993.


委員 - 蕭元哲

委員 - 林正義

委員 - 吳明上

指導教授 - 林文程

召集委員 - 林碧炤


 

計畫贊助者: